The Catalan Principle: A Forgotten Standard for Financial Crimes

When I read The Independent article linked below, I immediately recalled what I call here, in my response essay, The Catalan Principle. The contrast seemed too telling to ignore. Although I do not, in truth, endorse the sanction discussed—certainly not in ordinary circumstances—the historical example provides a striking counterpoint to the modern rhetoric of punishment directed only at the powerless.

Medieval Catalonia—a principality within the Crown of Aragon, governed by its own Cortes and its own body of law—developed one of Europe’s most exacting systems for regulating bankers. This severe and unforgiving regime was born not of vengeance, but of a sober understanding of where real civic danger, and indeed real violence, actually lay. The legislators knew that a banker held the community’s life in his hands. A single failure of trust could ruin families, wipe out savings, and collapse the economic life of a city, indeed, a region. They therefore placed the full burden of responsibility on the man seated at the banker’s bench—the banca, the literal table or counter from which he conducted his trade and at which depositors entrusted him with their funds (the same bench that, when broken, gave us the word bankrupt).

Beginning in 1300, a banker was personally liable for every entry in his sworn journal, his entire estate pledged to his depositors. Should he fail, he was immediately proclaimed bankrupt and disgraced, then confined on bread and water until he made every injured party whole. In 1321, the Cortes went further: a banker who failed to repay his depositors—within one year for past failures, or immediately thereafter—was to be proclaimed bankrupt throughout Catalonia, beheaded, and his property liquidated for restitution. Most strikingly, the law added:

The sovereign may not pardon him unless his creditors have been fully satisfied.

No royal favoritism.

No political clemency.

No early counterpart to the corrupt presidential or gubernatorial pardons used to absolve wealthy offenders in the present era for their financial and other crimes.

This was not theoretical. In 1360, the banker Francesch Castello was beheaded in front of his own bench—the very table at which he had accepted deposits—after failing to repay those whose savings he held in trust. The medieval world understood that economic destruction is a form of violence, and that the most consequential harms are often inflicted by those with power, not by those without it.

Which brings us to idea voiced recently by billionaire Joe Lonsdale for a return to public hangings as a display of “masculine leadership.” His proposed spectacle targets the familiar objects of elite contempt: the poor, the desperate, the socially marginal. Crime, in his imagination, flows upward from the street, not downward from the boardroom.

But consider what a medieval-style code would demand today. If we applied the Catalan principle—that those who hold the wealth of others in trust bear the highest responsibility—we would direct our harshest penalties not at the powerless, but at:

executives who obliterate pensions through financial engineering,

bank officers whose decisions wipe out depositors,

corporate officers whose malfeasances and misfeasances devastate multitudes, in some instances, entire communities,

institutional leaders who destroy livelihoods while shielding their officers through legal artifice.

Would Lonsdale applaud that as “masculine leadership”? Or is his appetite for the gallows limited to those who possess nothing worth stealing?

The Catalan legislators understood something our own era too often obscures: the powerful commit the greatest harms, and justice serves the common good only when it restrains them first.

What Lonsdale demands is not justice but hierarchy—punishment downward, indulgence upward. The medieval world, in this case, was the more virtuous, the more honest. It placed the noose (or lowered the axe, as the case may be) where the damage was greatest: at the bench of the wealthy who had destroyed the lives of others, and it did not permit them to purchase their way out of accountability.

Source: Usher, A. Payson. (1943). The early history of deposit banking in Mediterranean Europe. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard university press, 239-242.

John V Palaiologos: Turning to the Wall

καὶ ἀπέστρεψεν Εζεκίας τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν τοῖχον,
καὶ ηὔξατο πρὸς κύριον…

“And Hezekiah turned his face to the wall,
and prayed to the Lord…”

—2 Kings 20:2 (LXX)

I
Winter withdrew its favour. The palace lay in stillness,
its stones holding the residue of vows
spoken by emperors long buried—
a gold-lit catechism of dominion now muted by cold.
Through corridors dimmed by age
he walked without retinue or herald,
a man whose burden had outlived
the empire he was sworn to guard.
The ikon-lamps flickered as he passed,
their trembling halos soft upon the air.

II
He paused where councils once assembled,
where envoys bent the knee
and treaties were sealed with hopes
already fraying at the edge.
The saints on the walls looked on—
remote as lost kinsmen—
their silence neither blame nor blessing,
only the deep stillness of unchanging gaze.
He felt the breadth of that silence in his bones.

III
Past stewards and tired officers
he entered the inner chambers
where the breath of the world falls thin.
There the bed waited—a narrow shore
between the living and the lived.
He lay upon it gently, as though
the body remembered how to yield
before the mind would grant its leave.
Outside, the city kept its vigil of endurance.
An emperor—basileus kai autokratōr Rhomaíōn
whose sceptre had become an inheritance
for hands that proved no stronger.

IV
At last, in the quiet appointed to all men,
he gathered the remnants of his strength
and made the gesture Scripture preserved:
the turning of a face toward solitude.
Slowly, without lament or plea,
the emperor shifted toward the wall,
entrusting what remained of breath and light
to the austere mercy of obscurity—
and to the uncrowned hours that follow every reign.

On Claims and Coinage: When Auction Descriptions Outrun the Evidence

The Thasian tetradrachm is among the most recognizable silver issues of the late Hellenistic world. Its garlanded Dionysus and its heroic Herakles circulated widely across the Balkans and the Lower Danube, where they became prototypes for the diverse and often striking imitative series struck by Celtic and other tribal groups from the late second to first century BC.


ISLANDS OFF THRACE, Thasos. Tetradrachm, c. 148-90/80 BC. (Silver, 16.96 g, 10 h). Obv. Head of Dionysos to right, wearing ivy wreath. Rev. ΗΡΑΚΛΕΟYΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΘΑΣΙΩΝ Herakles standing facing, head to left, resting his right hand on grounded club and with lion’s skin draped over his left arm; in field to left, monogram. American Numismatic Society, 1948.19.583, CC BY-NC 4.0

One such Celtic imitation appeared recently at auction. The obverse presents a highly abstracted Dionysus—angular, almost post-modern with geometric features—while the reverse reduces Herakles to a ritual stick figure framed by pellet-rows.


LOWER DANUBE REGION. Imitation of Thasos. Late 2nd-1st century BC. Tetradrachm (Silver, 32 mm, 16.36 g, 12 h). Obv. Highly stylized head of a youthful Dionysos to right. Rev. Herakles, in the form of a stick figure, standing facing, holding a club in his right hand with cloak over his left arm; four rows of pellets to left and right, and a single row below.
Nomos 37, Lot 16 (November 2025)

The cataloguer rightly observes that these transformations reflect indigenous artistic traditions rather than “primitiveness,” a point well aligned with contemporary scholarship on Celtic visual language. There is no question that the engravers were interpreting, not merely degrading, the Hellenistic prototypes.

It must be said that the auction house in question is one for which I hold the highest regard. Its catalogues have long exemplified best practice: careful numismatic description, transparent provenance, and a consistent habit of guiding collectors toward relevant current scholarship. Precisely for that reason, the explanatory note appended to this coin was so noticeable. Beneath an otherwise exemplary entry appeared the following claim:

” … recent research suggests that the striking of coins by the Celts, the ancient British, and other ancient peoples, other than the Greeks and Romans and those very strongly influenced by them, had a highly ritualistic nature. Ancient sources tell us that prior to the beginning of the minting process, the ancient die engravers would drink copious amounts of what is now known as poitín or poteen, thus, providing them with visions that they then tried to engrave. Looking at the surviving coins makes this theory seem highly likely.” Nomos 37, Lot 16

It is a vivid statement. It is also, in every sense, extraordinary.

No ancient textual source with which I am familiar describes Celtic or Danubian engravers intentionally entering states of ritual intoxication in order to produce dies. No archaeological, metallurgical, or workshop evidence with which I am familiar supports the notion of visionary drink preceding coin production. While ecstatic ritual and alcohol appear in broader Celtic cultural contexts, such general ethnographic data cannot be converted into specific claims about the minting process without concrete evidence.

Stylistic abstraction in Celtic numismatics has long been understood more soberly: as a deliberate reinterpretation of Greek prototypes through indigenous symbolic systems with their own aesthetic grammar. These coins do not require intoxicated celators to be understood; indeed, there is nothing in their style that supports such a narrative.

If research genuinely exists supporting this theory, it ought to be cited with author, title, publication, and date—particularly because the claim is, by its nature, difficult if not impossible to substantiate even if there were scant wisps of archaeological or textual evidence suggestive of such practices. The omission of such citation risks misleading those who encounter the statement and, unintentionally, lowering the high scholarly standard that this firm has otherwise consistently upheld.

The coins themselves are reward enough. Set beside the Thasian model, the Celtic imitation is not a drunken distortion but a cultural reinterpretation—evidence of a visual world reshaping the Hellenistic canon according to its own inherited forms. To impose a tale of visionary potions upon the engravers is not only unnecessary but obscures the far more interesting truth: that artistic autonomy, not intoxication, shaped these remarkable issues.

From the Lead-Grey Sky

Proof of gelid gust dusts all we see—
the fence-lines, the avenue, the cars half-buried,
the scatter of November’s leaves
now sealed beneath a stilling plea.
What survives survives by yielding: branches bow,
the eaves let fall their weighted load
in muffled thuds along the yard and walk—
an elemental treaty now.

The world composes its reply
to summer’s claim and autumn’s boast.
No cardinal law, no thunder-host
proclaims what drifts down from the lead-grey sky,
yet everything it touches seeks
to answer why it must comply—
the wild rose hips, the window frames,
the question lingering in its wake.

By morning all dispute is moot.
The snow has made its argument
without a word, without assent,
soft-covering the curb and root,
the path we thought was permanent,
the streets where we were confident
we’d marked our necessary route.

When the Noise Comes

Donald S. Yarab

When the noise comes … it arrives as promise,
As liberation, as the four-day week or some such rot—
Tools to free us from the tyranny of distance,
From the friction of flesh, of paper, of time.

When the noise comes … we open our doors,
Thinking the chains have been struck from our wrists,
Not seeing how they lengthen, how they follow,
How they slip beneath the blankets, coil around our sleep.

When the noise comes … the waves are ceaseless,
Each notification a crest that will not break,
And we are flotsam, buoyant but not swimming,
Tossed up, pulled under, in the very same motion.

When the noise comes … there is no shore,
Only the turbulence of feeds and the whirlpools of threads,
The shoals of outrage hidden just beneath the scroll,
And our eyes blur from the salt and the light.

When the noise comes … we gasp between the swells,
Thinking: surely the next breath will be deeper,
Surely the merry-go-round’s music will stop,
Surely there will be a weekend at the end of this week.

But the calliope plays on, and the carousel never ceases turning,
The painted horses rise and fall, rise and fall,
And we cannot tell if we are moving forward
Or if we have been circling the same worn orbit since morning.

When the noise comes … we look down at our feet,
And see that we have not moved,
That the frantic pace was only the illusion of motion,
The exhaustion mistaken for progress toward something.

When the noise comes … we pause for a moment—
The WiFi fails, the battery dies, the server times out—
And in that accidental silence the low places remember:
The weight of time, the gift of an empty hour,
The deep stillness from which we were torn when we said yes
To this round-the-clock tether, this chain we call connection.

When the noise comes … we have already forgotten
What we meant to think, to say, to comprehend;
The forgetting sea is not ahead but around us,
We are already drowning in its medium,
Already borne away from ourselves
While thinking ourselves urgent, essential, awake.

When the noise comes … no one comes to save us,
For we have built the flood with our own hands,
Subscribed to the deluge, optimized the overwhelm,
And called it opportunity, flexibility, freedom—
The chains that followed us home,
That slipped into our beds,
That wind around us even now as we try to sleep,
As we remember sleep,
As we forget what sleep was.