Minnesota Winters

darkness descends, light abates
breath quickens, pulse skips
not clear—do we close our eyes or flee,
inhale, inhale, inhale, gasp, grasp, break the spell
rush of air, icy, thought commences,
but edges, shapes—the outline of what must be done,
or what we leave undone

Unstopped Ears

gnarled tensions herniate the public weal;
bone fractures—order collapses.

author of ill, known to all—
yet the surgeon will not cut.

the patient pleads—
will ears unstop?

Blaspheme

Lips spit: I am the chosen one. I am the way. I am law—
by force alone I shatter.

Men bow—dirty knees, tongues lapping gilt from the calf.

Sacrifice: tablets, inheritance, will.

The King’s Two Bodies: The Return of the Arcane Sovereign

In the photographs taken within the Oval Office (2017, 2025), the seat of American executive authority has been transformed into something older and stranger—a sanctuary of royal consecration. At its center sits Donald J. Trump, head bowed, encircled by ministers and advisers whose hands rest upon him in the gesture of impositio manuum, the laying on of hands. Their eyes are closed, lips moving in prayer, yet their posture speaks less of intercession than of veneration. What unfolds in that moment is not simply political theater but a ritual reenactment of an ancient idea: that power may be embodied, sanctified, and made flesh.

Impositio Manuum 2017

The Reversal of Benediction

In Christian and pre-Christian rites alike, the laying on of hands conveys the transmission of grace or authority. The priest’s touch confers the Spirit upon the baptized; the bishop’s hand consecrates the king. Here, however, the direction of sanctification is reversed. The clergy do not mediate divine blessing to the ruler on behalf of the people; they draw legitimacy from him. The bowed heads and concentric hands create a living reliquary around the sovereign’s body. The Oval Office, ordinarily a stage for civil governance, has been re-imagined as an apse, its curved wall a secular altar niche. What was intended as prayer has become an act of anointment—without chrism, yet heavy with its symbolism. In 2025, the Christian supplicants’ language included a declaration of divine appointment: “You assigned him, you appointed him, you anointed him for such a time as this…”

Impositio Manuum 2025

The Living Law

Ernst H. Kantorowicz, in The King’s Two Bodies, described how medieval jurisprudence conceived the ruler as lex animata—the “living law.” The sovereign’s person contained within it both the mortal, fallible flesh (corpus naturale) and the immortal, juridical body politic (corpus mysticum). Law was not merely administered by the king; it was enfleshed in him. The maxim omnia iura in scrinio pectoris imperatoris—“all laws reside in the emperor’s breast”—expressed the same belief: that the sovereign’s will constituted legality itself.

Trump’s self-understanding, as revealed in his statements that “I (have) the right to do anything that I want to do. I’m the president of the United States,” and that he could even “declassify by thinking” alone, reflects this archaic conception of sovereignty. In the photographs, that philosophy becomes visible form. His body, ringed by supplicants, stands as the physical repository of authority: thought and flesh fused into the living source of law. The constitutional process is eclipsed by a medieval metaphysic—the emperor’s breast revived within a republic.

The Mystical Body of the Republic

In Kantorowicz’s analysis, the king’s dual body was not a theological curiosity but a political necessity: it allowed the continuity of the realm despite the mortality of its ruler. The body politic outlived the natural body through the fiction of divine investiture. Yet in the Oval Office images, the relationship is inverted. The ruler’s flesh absorbs the polity rather than the polity transcending the ruler. The praying ministers become members of his mystical body, as if the state were incarnate in him rather than he in the state. The photographs thus performs a political transubstantiation—the transformation of a secular office into a sacred organism whose head alone is divine.

Iconography of Idolatry

The camera captures only the back of the president’s head in one of the images, a composition that echoes the devotional art of relic veneration. The viewer’s gaze aligns with the worshippers’ hands, all converging on the same luminous focal point: the golden hair, haloed by the light of the room. The gesture is tactile worship, the contact-relic as conduit of grace. In medieval reliquaries, touch transmitted sanctity; here it transmits legitimacy. The image collapses the distinction between religion and politics, portraying a people seeking salvation through proximity to power.

The Return of the Arcane Sovereign

What Kantorowicz chronicled as a vanished theology of monarchy reappears in modern populist guise. The constitutional republic, built upon the rejection of divine kingship, finds itself haunted by its ghost. The sovereign’s “two bodies” are re-fused: the office and the man, the law and the will, the symbol and the flesh. Those who kneel do so not before the law but before its living embodiment. When the sovereign’s body absorbs the state, law becomes indistinguishable from will. In such a regime, dissent is not disagreement—it is heresy. The king’s body, once divided for the safety of the state, is whole again.

The danger lies not only in the man but in the myth reborn around him—the longing for the immediate, the personal, the sacred ruler who is the nation. In that longing, the modern citizen becomes medieval subject once more. And the Oval Office, once the seat of the people’s servant, becomes the sanctuary of an arcane sovereign whose heart, like the emperor’s of old, is presumed to contain all laws within its breast.

The Bewilderment of the Citizen: When RESPECT Was Written in Chalk

By Donald S. Yarab

“Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.”
— Matthew 22:39

“I hate them too. I really do. I hate them. I cannot stand them, because I really do believe they hate our country.”
— President Donald J. Trump, July 3, 2025, Iowa State Fair, speaking of Democrats as the internal enemy

It is not the demagogues who bewilder me.
The political class, the oligarchs who sponsor them, and the ambitious mediocrities who ride their coattails—these I understand. Their motives are ancient and ever-recurring: power, wealth, the intoxicating delusion of being above others. History has never lacked for such befouled souls. What confounds me is not their corruption, but the ease with which so many of my fellow citizens—ordinary men and women raised in homes of decency—abandon their values, their civility, and even their reason to follow such selfish and manipulative men.

Reading Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism brings a sense of recognition as much as revelation. Her breadth of learning and depth of judgment are immense, yet her insight feels uncomfortably near. She wrote of loneliness, of the dissolution of shared reality, of the loss of what she would later name “the common world.” These, she warned, are the preconditions of tyranny. Her warning about that loss recalls a time when the common world was still carefully, even tenderly, built in classrooms.

When I taught as an educator at a Catholic junior-high school years ago, I once wrote on the blackboard—in chalk, for those were chalk days—the single word RESPECT. My pupils were told that respect, for oneself and still more for others, was the foundation of our classroom and of the larger world. It need not be earned, but it could be lost. Respect was the first principle of civilization: acknowledgment of another’s humanity, even in disagreement or uncertainty.

In my religion class, that same word deepened through Christ’s commandment: “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.” Respect, I told them, was the beginning of that love—not the sentimental kind that flatters or excuses, but the disciplined recognition that others, too, are made in the image of God. Such love is not mere emotion but moral vision. It binds community, restrains cruelty, and demands humility; for I believed then, as I do now, that if children learned that lesson, the rest would follow—discipline, fairness, empathy, and truth.

Yet today, the nation seems one in which respect has eroded into mockery, disagreement into contempt. Men and women who once prized civic decency now sneer at simple kindness as weakness and mistake public cruelty for laudable candor. Forgotten are the lessons once taught by parents and teachers—forgotten that respect is not submission but recognition, not indulgence but acknowledgment that every person bears the image of something sacred.

Arendt helps to explain part of this descent. She wrote that the ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced ideologue but the person “for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.” In our time, that confusion has been engineered deliberately by those who control mass media, public discourse, and civic conversation. Facts are now optional, reality malleable, and truth a commodity sold to the highest bidder. Noise replaces discernment; pundits and influencers, preachers of grievance and merchants of outrage, fill every silence until the ordinary citizen, weary of discerning, yields to the comfort of belonging. To be part of a movement—any movement—feels safer than standing alone amid uncertainty in an increasingly fragmented civic community.

But belonging comes at a cost. The price is moral collapse. Once fear replaces thought, hatred becomes easy. Once truth becomes relative, cruelty seems justified. Once self-respect erodes, submission feels like relief. It is with great grief that one watches people trade the humility of faith for the arrogance of fanaticism, the rigor of science for the comfort of superstition, the patience of democracy for the immediacy of mob emotion.

Some will say it is economics—that poverty, inequality, and insecurity drive people to such extremes. There is truth in that, but not the whole truth. Others will say it is ignorance, the failure of education. That too plays its part. Yet beneath both lies a deeper malady: spiritual exhaustion, a weariness with freedom itself. To think for oneself, to weigh evidence intelligently, to question authority doggedly—these require effort and courage. Many—perhaps most—prefer the narcotic of certainty. It is easier to be told what is true than to bear the burden of finding out responsibly.

That is why propaganda works—not because people are fools, but because they are tired, frightened, and longing for meaning. The demagogue offers them belonging, moral clarity, and enemies to hate. He tells them their failures are someone else’s fault. He gives them a cause grand enough to drown their doubts. And in surrendering to him, they mistake obedience for faith, vengeance for virtue, and ignorance for authenticity.

Hannah Arendt understood this weariness well. She observed that “mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst, no matter how absurd, and did not particularly object to being deceived, because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow.” That insight reaches beyond politics into the realm of spirit. When cynicism becomes habitual, truth itself grows unbelievable; when every statement is assumed false, the liar becomes prophet, and the soul, deprived of trust, welcomes its own deception.

What bewilders most is not the malice of my fellow citizens but their forgetfulness. Gone is the decency of parents, the moral instruction of their faiths, the civics once taught in schools, the respect once owed to fact, reason, and one another. Forgotten is that fear corrodes the soul and that hatred is the cheapest imitation of strength. Forsaken is the understanding that self-government depends not on leaders but on citizens—on the willingness to think, to listen, to doubt, and to care for one another.

Fifty years from now, scholars will no doubt write of these years with the detachment of hindsight. They will trace the algorithms, the demography, the disinformation networks, and the economic despair. They will find causes, correlations, and turning points. Yet they will still struggle to answer the simplest question: how did so many, knowing better, choose worse again and again?

For the manipulators, history has an answer—ambition, greed, vanity. For the manipulated, the explanation is more tragic: surrender not out of evil but out of weariness; not out of ignorance but out of fear; not because the way was lost, but because memory failed.

That is the lesson of our time. Evil will always exist; it requires only opportunity. But tyranny of the spirit—this quiet decay of conscience—thrives only when the many forget that decency is a daily act, not a tribal badge.

This reflection is written not to condemn but to plead—for remembrance. To remember what was taught when we were young: that truth matters, that kindness binds, that facts are not partisan, that faith without humility is idolatry, and that freedom demands thought.

When RESPECT was written on that blackboard years ago, it was in the belief that children were being prepared for a world that valued it. That belief endures—if enough choose to live as if it were true. For if it is forgotten, then no constitution, no scripture, no science can save us. We will have undone ourselves, not by conquest, but by consent.