The King’s Two Bodies: The Return of the Arcane Sovereign

In the photographs taken within the Oval Office (2017, 2025), the seat of American executive authority has been transformed into something older and stranger—a sanctuary of royal consecration. At its center sits Donald J. Trump, head bowed, encircled by ministers and advisers whose hands rest upon him in the gesture of impositio manuum, the laying on of hands. Their eyes are closed, lips moving in prayer, yet their posture speaks less of intercession than of veneration. What unfolds in that moment is not simply political theater but a ritual reenactment of an ancient idea: that power may be embodied, sanctified, and made flesh.

Impositio Manuum 2017

The Reversal of Benediction

In Christian and pre-Christian rites alike, the laying on of hands conveys the transmission of grace or authority. The priest’s touch confers the Spirit upon the baptized; the bishop’s hand consecrates the king. Here, however, the direction of sanctification is reversed. The clergy do not mediate divine blessing to the ruler on behalf of the people; they draw legitimacy from him. The bowed heads and concentric hands create a living reliquary around the sovereign’s body. The Oval Office, ordinarily a stage for civil governance, has been re-imagined as an apse, its curved wall a secular altar niche. What was intended as prayer has become an act of anointment—without chrism, yet heavy with its symbolism. In 2025, the Christian supplicants’ language included a declaration of divine appointment: “You assigned him, you appointed him, you anointed him for such a time as this…”

Impositio Manuum 2025

The Living Law

Ernst H. Kantorowicz, in The King’s Two Bodies, described how medieval jurisprudence conceived the ruler as lex animata—the “living law.” The sovereign’s person contained within it both the mortal, fallible flesh (corpus naturale) and the immortal, juridical body politic (corpus mysticum). Law was not merely administered by the king; it was enfleshed in him. The maxim omnia iura in scrinio pectoris imperatoris—“all laws reside in the emperor’s breast”—expressed the same belief: that the sovereign’s will constituted legality itself.

Trump’s self-understanding, as revealed in his statements that “I (have) the right to do anything that I want to do. I’m the president of the United States,” and that he could even “declassify by thinking” alone, reflects this archaic conception of sovereignty. In the photographs, that philosophy becomes visible form. His body, ringed by supplicants, stands as the physical repository of authority: thought and flesh fused into the living source of law. The constitutional process is eclipsed by a medieval metaphysic—the emperor’s breast revived within a republic.

The Mystical Body of the Republic

In Kantorowicz’s analysis, the king’s dual body was not a theological curiosity but a political necessity: it allowed the continuity of the realm despite the mortality of its ruler. The body politic outlived the natural body through the fiction of divine investiture. Yet in the Oval Office images, the relationship is inverted. The ruler’s flesh absorbs the polity rather than the polity transcending the ruler. The praying ministers become members of his mystical body, as if the state were incarnate in him rather than he in the state. The photographs thus performs a political transubstantiation—the transformation of a secular office into a sacred organism whose head alone is divine.

Iconography of Idolatry

The camera captures only the back of the president’s head in one of the images, a composition that echoes the devotional art of relic veneration. The viewer’s gaze aligns with the worshippers’ hands, all converging on the same luminous focal point: the golden hair, haloed by the light of the room. The gesture is tactile worship, the contact-relic as conduit of grace. In medieval reliquaries, touch transmitted sanctity; here it transmits legitimacy. The image collapses the distinction between religion and politics, portraying a people seeking salvation through proximity to power.

The Return of the Arcane Sovereign

What Kantorowicz chronicled as a vanished theology of monarchy reappears in modern populist guise. The constitutional republic, built upon the rejection of divine kingship, finds itself haunted by its ghost. The sovereign’s “two bodies” are re-fused: the office and the man, the law and the will, the symbol and the flesh. Those who kneel do so not before the law but before its living embodiment. When the sovereign’s body absorbs the state, law becomes indistinguishable from will. In such a regime, dissent is not disagreement—it is heresy. The king’s body, once divided for the safety of the state, is whole again.

The danger lies not only in the man but in the myth reborn around him—the longing for the immediate, the personal, the sacred ruler who is the nation. In that longing, the modern citizen becomes medieval subject once more. And the Oval Office, once the seat of the people’s servant, becomes the sanctuary of an arcane sovereign whose heart, like the emperor’s of old, is presumed to contain all laws within its breast.

Echoes of the Republic

The old fiction that America’s two major parties represent opposing interests—one for business, the other for working people—no longer persuades anyone who pays attention. Nor does the claim that they meaningfully occupy the ideological poles of right and left. The observant voter, that dwindling minority, sees that both parties have long answered to the same masters: corporations, financiers, and those who profit from the machinery of endless growth and permanent inequality. In 2024, the top one hundred billionaire families poured $2.6 billion into federal elections—one of every six dollars spent. Dark money reached a record $1.9 billion, more than double the amount in 2020. Corporate lobbying hit $4.4 billion, with Big Tech alone spending $61.5 million and employing one lobbyist for every two members of Congress. Their quarrels are theatrical. Their policies, however dressed in partisan language, converge upon the preservation of the same order.

But something darker has taken hold. The oligarchs who once influenced the system now rule it directly. They have seized one party outright, hollowed out the other through dependence on the same donors, and reduced the national contest to absurd theater. Thirteen billionaires with combined wealth exceeding $450 billion now hold cabinet positions in the federal government—the wealthiest administration in American history. The man who spent between $277 and $290 million to help elect the president—the largest individual political donation ever recorded—was rewarded with a government position granting access to Treasury Department systems containing Americans’ Social Security numbers and bank accounts. The performance conceals the deeper reality—that the constitutional balance envisioned by the founders has collapsed, not from sudden assault but from gradual surrender. We have kept the shell of the Republic while its substance has been drained away.

Today, all three branches of government serve the same masters—and it is not the people.

The Executive

On June 7, 2025, a president deployed approximately 2,000 National Guard troops and 700 U.S. Marines to Los Angeles after immigration raids sparked protests, claiming “incidents of violence and disorder…constitute a form of rebellion against the authority of the Government.” The governor actively opposed the deployment, stating local police could handle the situation. Three months later, U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer ruled the action violated federal law, writing that “there was no rebellion, nor was civilian law enforcement unable to respond to the protests and enforce the law.” Judge Breyer described the administration’s rationale as “contrived” and warned of an apparent attempt at “creating a national police force with the President as its chief.” It marked the first time since 1965 that a president deployed National Guard over a governor’s objections.

By October 2025, the president has authorized federal troop deployments to at least five American cities on fabricated claims of civil disorder, including to Washington D.C. claiming a “crime emergency” despite violent crime being at a thirty-year low, to Memphis despite crime at a twenty-five-year low, and to Portland where a federal judge found protests “generally limited to fewer than 30 people and were largely sedate.” When courts issued restraining orders, the president threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act, declaring at an August cabinet meeting: “I have the right to do anything I want to do. I’m the president of the United States.”

He orders the Justice Department to prosecute political opponents and protect allies, compiling an enemies list reminiscent of the darkest regimes of the twentieth century. On September 25, 2025, former FBI Director James Comey became the first senior government official indicted under the second Trump administration—four days after the previous federal prosecutor was fired for refusing to pursue charges he considered baseless, and four days after Trump’s former personal attorney was installed as the new prosecutor. She presented the case to the grand jury alone, without a single career prosecutor present. The president had posted on social media five days earlier: “We can’t delay any longer, it’s killing our reputation and credibility.” A grand jury probe of New York’s Attorney General stretched five months despite federal prosecutors finding insufficient evidence. Investigations were ordered into a philanthropist’s foundation for potential racketeering charges. The Attorney General stated on national television: “Whether you’re a billionaire, funding organizations to try to keep Donald Trump out of office, everything is on the table. We will investigate you.”

He threatens to revoke media licenses for unfavorable coverage and uses emergency powers as instruments of ordinary governance. After a comedian criticized the president’s supporters on September 16, 2025, the FCC Chairman appeared on a conservative podcast the next afternoon threatening license revocation. That same evening, major network affiliates announced they would not air the program, and the network suspended it indefinitely. During the suspension, the company lost close to $5 billion in market value, employees received death threats, and approximately twenty affiliate stations refused to air the program even after its return. The president stated aboard Air Force One: “They give me only bad publicity or press, and I mean, they’re getting a license, I would think maybe their license should be taken away.” The FCC Chairman followed: “I don’t think this is the last shoe to drop…the consequences are going to continue to flow.” An FCC Commissioner responded: “The FCC does not have the legal authority, the constitutional right, or the ability to revoke a license just because the president does not like what that broadcaster is broadcasting. But the threats are the point.”

On his first day in office, he declared a “National Energy Emergency” claiming “precariously inadequate and intermittent energy supply” despite government research showing fossil fuel production had reached record levels. In April, he invoked emergency powers to impose tariffs, declaring that trade relationships with “each and every country in the world” posed “unusual and extraordinary threats”—including nations he dismissed as places “nobody has ever heard of.” He declared a border emergency claiming America’s sovereignty was “under attack” despite December 2024 recording the second-smallest number of border encounters since August 2020, representing an 81% decrease from the previous year. He invoked emergency powers eight times in his first hundred days—more than any modern president in the same period—transforming what were meant to be extraordinary measures into instruments of routine policy preference.

When Congress appropriates funds he dislikes, he withholds them in defiance of the Impoundment Control Act. The Government Accountability Office issued six formal findings by September 2025 that the administration violated the law requiring presidents to spend funds as Congress appropriates. Congressional investigators estimate the administration has frozen, canceled, or fought in court to block more than $410 billion in funding—for electric vehicle infrastructure, early childhood education, school upgrades, emergency shelter programs. When challenged, the budget director dismissed the findings as “non-events with no consequence. Rearview mirror stuff.” The administration removed public access to agency funding data until a federal court ordered its restoration in August 2025. On September 26, the Supreme Court allowed the withholding of $4 billion in foreign aid just weeks before the funds would expire, despite a lower court finding the administration had no discretion to refuse spending what Congress had appropriated. Justice Kagan warned in dissent: “At issue is the allocation of power between the Executive and Congress over the expenditure of public monies.”

When statutes require Senate confirmation of senior officials, he ignores the Appointments Clause, leaving “acting” loyalists in place indefinitely. One official simultaneously served as Senate-confirmed Secretary of State and acting administrator of another agency before that agency was closed entirely and its workforce reduced from over twelve thousand to seven hundred eighteen employees. Federal courts found multiple violations of the Federal Vacancies Reform Act. Criminal defendants challenged appointments in federal court, arguing the administration’s interpretation would allow “never-confirmed, FVRA-ineligible shadow officials” with “no limits or eligibility requirements” to serve “indefinitely.” The executive branch has become not an executor of law but the law itself.

The Legislative

Congress, paralyzed by faction and captive to donor interests, has ceased to function as a coequal branch. For fiscal year 2025, it enacted zero of the twelve full-year appropriations bills required by law—the last time all appropriations passed before a fiscal year began was 1997. Instead, on March 15, 2025, it passed a continuing resolution extending the previous year’s funding levels, eliminating $15.9 billion in approved projects, and mistakenly omitting routine provisions that threatened the nation’s capital with over $1 billion in cuts.

On October 1, 2025, the government shut down. As of October 8, approximately 750,000 federal workers remain furloughed, with 420,000 working without pay. Air traffic control towers have closed due to sick calls, causing flight delays. National parks began shuttering. The Senate has failed three times to pass funding bills—on September 30, October 6, and October 8—with the Majority Leader stating the chamber would “keep voting on the same competing bills over and over.” The Speaker canceled the House’s return to Washington, keeping members in their districts, and declared: “The ball is in the court of the Senate Democrats.” The Minority Leader responded: “His members aren’t even here doing their jobs, they’ve been home for weeks.” A controversial administration memo suggested furloughed workers may not receive guaranteed back pay, contradicting a law the president himself signed in 2019. Congress cannot pass a budget without brinkmanship and shutdowns.

It cannot enforce subpoenas or conduct genuine oversight. In August 2025, the House Oversight Committee issued subpoenas for closed-door depositions to multiple former officials, including five former Attorneys General, two former FBI Directors, and various political figures. Yet courts have given little legal help to congressional committees, causing subpoena fights to drag out for years with no conclusive ability to enforce them quickly. Following a 2020 circuit court ruling, Congress lost a key option for civil enforcement and now faces three inadequate choices: referral to the Justice Department it seeks to investigate, slow and uncertain civil suits, or an inherent contempt power unused since the 1930s and described as “cumbersome, inefficient, and unseemly.” The Afghanistan withdrawal investigation exemplified these challenges, with the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel claiming subpoenas were unenforceable because they interfered with presidential powers.

It legislates by continuing resolution and press release. In its abdication, it resembles not the Roman Senate of the Republic but the Senate of the Empire—still meeting, still debating, but powerless to constrain the ruler it nominally advises. Sixty-four percent of Americans believe major donors have “a lot” of influence on how members of Congress vote, compared to only fourteen percent who believe constituents have such influence. Research published in 2023 found “a robust relationship between donors and speech” in Congress, with donor activity shaping not just votes but legislative priorities and agenda-setting. One study found that sixty percent of billionaire wealth now derives from “inheritance, monopoly power or crony connections” rather than merit. These are the masters Congress serves.

The Judiciary

Most perilous of all, the Supreme Court—once the guardian of limits—has become the instrument of their removal. On July 1, 2024, in Trump v. United States, the Court grants the president immunity so sweeping that criminal accountability for official acts effectively vanishes. Chief Justice Roberts writes for the majority that presidents have absolute immunity for actions within their “conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority” and presumptive immunity for all official acts unless prosecution “would pose no dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.” The decision covers actions “so long as they are not manifestly or palpably beyond [his] authority.” Critically, Roberts rules that courts may not inquire into presidential motives when dividing official from unofficial conduct, calling such inquiry “highly intrusive.”

Justice Sotomayor opens her dissent with words that will echo through history: “Today’s decision to grant former Presidents criminal immunity reshapes the institution of the Presidency. It makes a mockery of the principle, foundational to our Constitution and system of Government, that no man is above the law.” She concludes: “Whether described as presumptive or absolute, under the majority’s rule, a President’s use of any official power for any purpose, even the most corrupt, is immune from prosecution…In every use of official power, the President is now a king above the law. With fear for our democracy, I dissent.” A former federal judge states: “There is no support whatsoever in the Constitution or even in the Supreme Court’s precedents, for the past 200 years, for this reprehensible decision.”

In abandoning the Chevron precedent on June 28, 2024, the Court strips regulatory agencies of authority to interpret and enforce the laws Congress enacts, transferring power from the legislature to the judiciary and, by extension, to the executive the judiciary favors. Chief Justice Roberts declares that courts, not agencies, must “decide all relevant questions of law” and claims agencies “have no special competence in resolving statutory ambiguities. Courts do.” The decision overturns precedent cited in over eighteen thousand lower court decisions and seventy Supreme Court cases. Justice Kagan warns in dissent that the Court “gives itself exclusive power over every open issue—no matter how expertise-driven or policy-laden—involving the meaning of regulatory law…the majority turns itself into the country’s administrative czar.” She provides examples of technical questions courts must now decide without deference: “whether and when an ‘alpha amino acid polymer’ qualifies as a ‘protein’ under the Public Health Service Act, or whether one population of squirrels is ‘distinct’ from another under the Endangered Species Act.”

The Court declines to enforce the Impoundment Control Act or the Appointments Clause, ignoring clear statutory and constitutional text. On September 26, 2025, it rules that private parties lack standing to sue over spending law violations—effectively making the Impoundment Control Act unenforceable except by a comptroller general the executive could simply ignore. Judge Florence Pan warns in an appellate dissent: “The Supreme Court and our court have stated in no uncertain terms that the Executive, as a constitutional matter, has no authority to disobey duly enacted statutes for policy reasons. Yet that is what the majority enables today.”

On June 27, 2025, the Court rules that federal district courts generally lack authority to issue nationwide injunctions protecting non-parties from executive orders. Justice Barrett writes for the majority that such injunctions “likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has granted to federal courts.” Justice Jackson warns in dissent: “The Court’s decision to permit the Executive to violate the Constitution with respect to anyone who has not yet sued is an existential threat to the rule of law…a zone of lawlessness within which the executive has the prerogative to take or leave the law as it wishes.” Rights now depend on geography and litigation status. For the first time in modern history, constitutional protections may vary by state depending on whether parents sued.

Through emergency orders on its shadow docket, the Court allows the president to fire officials whom statutes protect from at-will removal—commissioners of independent agencies that Congress deliberately insulated from political control. On September 22, 2025, the Court grants full review signaling likely overturn of the 1935 precedent protecting such officials. Justice Kagan dissents, writing that emergency orders reveal “how that eventual decision will go” and criticizes “the impatience to get on with things—to now hand the president the most unitary, meaning also the most subservient, administration since Herbert Hoover (and maybe ever).”

It strikes down precedents by ideological fiat while leaving standing decisions that expand corporate and executive dominion. What was once judicial review has become judicial complicity. Legal observers characterize the Court’s current term as “executive power, executive power, executive power,” noting the Court’s decisions “may be fueling Trump’s maximalist approach to executive power” in 2025.

Thus the separation of powers, the very architecture of the Constitution, exists now only as echo. The branches that were meant to check one another instead reinforce one another’s dereliction. Congress surrenders; the president seizes; the Court sanctifies. The forms persist—elections are held, opinions are issued, sessions convene—but their meaning is gone. We recite the rituals of democracy while living under the logic of autocracy.

The timeline of 2025 makes visible what might otherwise remain abstract. In June, federal troops deployed to Los Angeles over a governor’s objections—a federal judge would later call it an attempt at “creating a national police force.” In September, the Justice Department indicted a former FBI Director four days after the president’s personal attorney was installed as prosecutor. That same month, the Supreme Court allowed the administration to withhold $4 billion in congressionally appropriated funds, while Justice Kagan warned of executive power unchecked. By October, the government had shut down, 750,000 workers furloughed, and Congress had passed zero of its twelve required appropriations bills. The oligarchs who funded this transformation—thirteen billionaires in the cabinet, one man’s quarter-billion-dollar investment yielding a government position with Treasury access—now govern directly. The forms persist: courts issue rulings the executive ignores, Congress meets but cannot fund the government, elections are held but determined by billions in dark money. What was constitutional architecture has become constitutional theater.

It did not happen overnight. For decades, both parties courted the same wealth, privatized public life, and distracted voters with culture wars while dismantling the civic foundations beneath them. Oligarchic money captured the means of communication, turning news into spectacle and grievance into commodity. In 2024, billionaire wealth grew by $2 trillion—$5.7 billion per day, three times faster than the previous year—creating 204 new billionaires, nearly four per week. Meanwhile, median household income increased just $1,040, a statistically insignificant change, remaining essentially flat compared to pre-pandemic levels. The top one-tenth of one percent saw income growth of 1,003% from 1979 to 2021 while the bottom twenty percent experienced 132% growth—meaning top earners’ incomes grew 7.6 times faster. The top ten percent of earners now own 66.6% of all wealth.

Yet on his first day in office in 2025, the president signed executive orders declaring war not on this inequality but on diversity programs, defining sex as “immutable biological classification,” and mandating only two gender options on federal forms. Within two weeks came orders banning transgender military service, pardoning abortion clinic protesters, and threatening to withhold education funding from schools allowing transgender athletes in women’s sports. Five hundred seventy-five anti-LGBTQ state bills were introduced in 2025, with fifty-four passing into law. Twenty-seven states now ban gender-affirming care for minors, affecting 40% of transgender youth. The Attorney General launched a “Civil Rights Fraud Initiative” to prosecute diversity programs while the Civil Rights Division lost sixty percent of its workforce.

When discontent grew, anger was redirected away from the architects of inequality toward the scapegoats of convenience—immigrants, minorities, the powerless. A survey of thirty-six countries found sixty percent of respondents identified “rich people having too much political influence” as the primary cause of inequality, and sixty-six percent of Americans want major economic system changes or complete reform. Yet analysis of the president’s inaugural address and major speeches found he “spent most of his time on the ‘invasion’ of illegal immigrants” and “surprisingly had little to say about his economic plans,” focusing instead on what he termed a “revolution of common sense” emphasizing cultural grievance. Greed, hatred, and fear again proved their ancient utility: they divide the governed and unite their governors.

The result is the government we now inhabit: a Republic that remembers its own name but not its meaning. The Constitution functions as civic décor—invoked ceremonially, ignored in practice. Statutory law becomes optional, precedent disposable, truth negotiable. The president acts; the Court justifies; Congress applauds or cowers. The citizen, bewildered and exhausted, retreats into private life, convinced that participation is futile.

And yet, elegy need not end in silence. The very act of recognizing loss is the beginning of renewal. What has been hollowed out can, in principle, be refilled. But it cannot be refilled by faith in institutions that have already abdicated their purpose. It must begin where the Republic began—in the conscience and courage of ordinary citizens who refuse to mistake ritual for reality. Renewal, if it comes, will come not from those who rule but from those who remember what ruling was meant to serve.

For now, we inhabit echoes. But if we still possess the capacity to listen—to hear the faint music of the Republic beneath the noise of power—then the silence need not be permanent. The dance may yet begin again, not at the command of the puppet master, but when the people cut their strings and remember they were never meant to dance to another’s tune.

Epic of Gaza

Proem

Weep, Angelic Host—sentinel Cherubim, laudific Seraphim—weep,
Recall, O Memory, the deeds of men most mean, their bitter striving;
Of those whose wrath, though born of dust, consumed the fields of nations,
Whose hands, unclean with envy, loosed the cry of widows and orphans.
From their hearts rose pride, and with their pride came hunger unbounded,
Till hearth and altar alike lay broken, the ploughshare shattered,
And souls unnumbered went down to the shadowy regions,
Leaving their fathers bereft, their children untended, their homes in ashes.

Thus was the earth made desolate, and Heaven itself grew weary;
For even the Seraphim, laudific, grew silent in their praising,
And even the Cherubim, sentinel, let fall their flaming vigil.
Yet still, O Memory, sing on, that generations yet unborn may tremble,
Lest pride unmeasured, and meanness cloaked in strength, rise once more,
And angelic hosts be called again to witness man’s undoing.


Gaza Before the Storm

Remember first how Gaza stood beside the ancient sea,
Her markets bright with oranges, her harbors filled with song,
Where fishermen cast nets at dawn, and children ran the shore,
And olive groves grew silver-green beneath the turning seasons.
The Great Omari lifted high its Byzantine dome,
Saint Porphyrius kept its vigil, fifteen centuries strong,
And in the evening hour of prayer, a thousand minarets
Sent voices skyward, weaving threads of worship into twilight.

Here was a city rooted deep, her stones drunk full of time,
Her people bound by blood and earth to this small patch of shore.
The old men sat in coffee shops, playing backgammon and speaking
Of harvests past, of children grown, of peace that might yet come.
But Memory keeps what was, before the storm clouds gathered,
Before the sky grew dark with iron, and the earth with ashes.


Gaza Besieged

Hear now, O Memory, after the angelic cry, the tale of sorrow:
How wrath was loosed upon Gaza, the walled and crowded city,
Where children clung to their mothers, and fathers kept vigil in hunger,
And the streets ran red with fire, the stones made to weep with blood.

For men most mean, in pride unmeasured, cast down their anger,
And the sky, once blue with doves, grew black with the smoke of ruin.
Hospitals groaned with the wounded, mosques lay shattered in silence;
The cry of the muezzin was drowned by the thunder of iron.
Women lifted their arms to heaven, crying for justice;
Infants wailed without milk, and the wells ran red with despair.

Thus did Gaza endure, as Ilium once by the Scamander,
A city besieged, its name to be sung in lamentation.
Yet not Troy alone, but Sarajevo’s bitter winters,
Stalingrad’s rubble, Warsaw’s ghetto walls—
All cities that have tasted wrath speak Gaza’s name as sister.


Catalogue of Grief

Sing the children whose laughter was severed in silence:
Sing Amal, whose curls were bright as dawn, now dust-shrouded;
Sing Yusuf, who carried a ball through the alleys, forever stilled;
Sing Miriam, with eyes like lamps, closed by the weight of rubble;
Sing Omar, who drew birds in the sand, his small hands silenced;
Sing Laila, who danced to her grandmother’s songs, now voiceless;
Sing Ahmed, six years old, who asked why the sky was angry.
These were the blossoms cut down, their springtime denied them,
Their games unfinished, their dreams unspoken, their tomorrow stolen.

Sing the mothers, whose voices rose in lamentation:
Sing Layla, who cried to the heavens, clutching fragments of cloth;
Sing Hanan, whose arms grew empty, rocking the air with sorrow;
Sing Fatima, who counted days by her children’s breathing;
Sing Mariam, who sang lullabies to graves of stone.
They were the pillars broken, their wombs turned to tombs of memory,
Their milk dried up, their cradle songs transformed to keening.

Sing the fathers, silent with grief, their faces carved from stone:
Sing Khalid, who once ploughed fields, now sifts through the ruins;
Sing Samir, who carried no sword, yet bore the weight of the fallen;
Sing Mahmoud, whose hands built homes, now dig for his buried;
Sing Hassan, who taught his son to read, now reads only headstones.
They were the oaks uprooted, their roots torn from the soil,
Their strong backs bent, their protecting arms made powerless.

Sing the city herself, Gaza, heart of the seashore:
Streets that once bustled with trade, now choked with ashes;
Mosques that lifted their domes to heaven, now shattered and open;
Hospitals that groaned with the wounded, their floors awash in blood;
Schools where children learned their letters, now rubble and memory;
Markets where oranges gleamed like suns, now dust and silence.
Gaza endures, yet her breath is ragged, her beauty in ruins.


The Heroes of Gaza

Yet sing also those who stood against the storm:

Sing Dr. Hussam, who would not leave his patients,
Operating by candlelight when the power failed,
His hands steady though the building shook with bombs.

Sing Mama Zahra, ninety years old,
Who sheltered twelve children not her own,
Sharing her last crust of bread among them,
Singing them to sleep with ancient lullabies.

Sing the teacher Amjad, who carved lessons in the dust,
Teaching children their letters beneath the rubble,
That learning might not die with the schools,
That hope might live though hope seemed dead.

Sing the young father Rashid, who dug with bloodied hands
For seventeen hours to free his neighbor’s child,
Though his own house lay in ruins,
Though his own losses called him home.

Sing the nurse Amal, who walked three miles each day
Through streets of glass and metal,
Carrying medicine to the wounded,
Her white coat bright as a flag of mercy.

These were the lights that would not be extinguished,
The flames that burned when all else was darkness,
The proof that goodness lives even in Hell,
That humanity endures though inhumanity rage.


The Silence of Nations

Yet where were the nations when Gaza called for aid?
The mighty kingdoms sat in their towers of glass,
Counting their gold, weighing their alliances,
While children starved beneath the rubble of their homes.

Some sent words like empty vessels, hollow condolences,
Others turned their faces away, as if not seeing
Could make the screaming stop, the dying disappear.
The halls of justice echoed only with procedure,
While Gaza bled, and Memory wrote their shameful silence.

Even the sea turned bitter, tasting ash and sorrow,
And dolphins fled those waters where the harbors burned.
Only the wind remained faithful, carrying the cries
Across the world, though men stopped up their ears
And closed their eyes, and voted for blindness.


Wrath of the Aggressors

Yet grief alone is not the tale, but wrath that bred it.

For men most mean, enthroned in pride, decreed destruction:
The Stone-faced King, whose tongue was sharpened with iron,
Who called fire down from heaven, and loosed it on the helpless.
The Golden-Maned Ruler, who sat upon distant waters,
Sending arms and gold, as though to purchase silence;
He bore the name of peacemaker, yet his hands were heavy with blood.

These were the princes of the age, their counsel clothed in falsehood,
And their decrees were bitter, sowing ashes in the earth.
They spoke of safety while they sowed destruction,
Of defense while they dealt death to the defenseless.
Their words were honey, but their works were gall,
And History will write their names in letters black as smoke.


The Voice of Gaza

Yet not in silence did Gaza bow, nor wholly in despair.
From the ruins rose a voice, steadfast as stone in the storm:

“We are the living, though the dust has covered our faces.
Our children sleep in the earth, yet their names burn bright as stars.
Break our houses, yet from rubble we rise speaking;
Cut down our olives, yet new shoots crack the stone.

You call us shadows, yet we cast longer darkness
Than your towers, and our darkness teaches light.
You name us forgotten, yet Memory keeps us close,
And angels inscribe our suffering in letters of gold.

Count our dead if you can number the grains of sand;
Measure our sorrow if you can drain the sea.
We have drunk deep of anguish, yet we are not broken;
We have walked through the valley of death, yet we breathe.

O sons of men most mean, your wrath is but smoke on the wind.
You have the fire, but we have the ashes, and ashes endure.
You have the sword, but we have the word, and the word is eternal.
Know this: though you bury us, we shall rise in the telling,
For the earth itself whispers our names, and will not forget.

And if the nations turn their faces away, still we stand,
For Gaza is not undone, though her walls lie fallen.
We are the olive trees that grow from stones,
We are the songs that survive the singers,
We are the light that shines in darkness,
And darkness has never overcome us.”


The Desecrations

Nor were the sanctuaries spared, nor the places of the Most High.
The destroyers struck at temples, their minarets broken in silence;
They shattered the churches, where lamps once trembled in vigil,
Icons dashed in dust, crosses cast down in fire.
Thus was prayer silenced, whether in Arabic chant or in hymnal;
The faithful fled, yet the stones themselves groaned in lament.

And the olive trees, those elders of the earth, were uprooted;
Ancient roots torn from soil that had drunk the blood of generations.
Branches once heavy with fruit lay scorched upon the ground,
And the groves, where fathers had walked with their sons, stood barren.
No psalm was heard, no murmur of leaves in the evening;
Only the wind through ruins, whispering sorrow to heaven.

Even the dead found no peace in their appointed places;
Graves were torn open, bones scattered to air,
Ancestors made homeless, their rest disturbed.
For wrath respects neither the living nor the sleeping,
Neither the newly born nor the long-buried,
Neither the sacred nor the profane.


Catalogue of the Broken Sanctuaries

Sing the names of holy places undone:
The Great Omari Mosque, Byzantine-born,
Heart of Gaza’s Old City, December-felled;
Saint Porphyrius, fifth-century stone,
Twice-struck shelter, sixteen souls entombed beneath its ancient walls.

Khalid bin al-Walid Mosque, November’s ruin,
Al-Riad Mosque, March’s bitter fall,
Bani Saleh Mosque, August’s dust,
Yassin Mosque, struck in al-Shati’s crowded camp,
Ibn Uthman too, its centuries silenced.

Count them: of twelve hundred and forty-four mosques,
More than a thousand scarred by fire and iron,
Nine hundred leveled utterly, their prayers cut short,
Their faithful scattered like leaves before the storm.

Graveyards forty out of sixty struck,
Twenty-two erased from the earth,
Bones scattered to air, ancestors made homeless.
Palaces broken, markets burned, bathhouses unroofed,
Even Anthedon Harbor, Roman gateway, flattened into the sea.

Museums looted, libraries obliterated,
Memory itself made to bleed, the archives set aflame.
For they would kill not only the living,
But the memory of the living,
The records of their being,
The proof they ever were.


The Lamentation Chorus

The Mothers of Gaza cry:
“O children, blossoms cut before the fruit,
We held you in our arms, now we hold only ashes.
Your laughter is buried beneath the stones of our city,
And our breasts are dry, our songs turned into wailing.
Yet still we sing your names like prayers,
And still we dream your dreams unfinished.”

The Fathers of Gaza groan:
“Our fields are ruined, our ploughs shattered,
The olive trees uprooted, the roots torn from the soil.
We walk among graves unguarded,
Where bones lie scattered, denied even silence.
Yet still we remember the taste of our olives,
And still we plant hope in the ashes.”

The Faithful lament:
“Where are the mosques that once trembled with prayer?
The Great Omari lies fallen, Ibn Uthman silenced,
Saint Porphyrius struck, its saints entombed anew.
Our lamps are dark, our chants broken in the smoke.
Yet still our hearts are temples,
And still our prayers rise to heaven.”

The Children’s Voices rise:
“We who were silenced while learning to speak,
We who were buried while learning to walk,
We who were taken while learning to love—
We are not gone, though our bodies lie broken.
We live in the tears of our mothers,
We live in the dreams of our fathers,
We live in the songs that remember us,
And death has no power over song.”

The Angels answer:
“We weep with you, O Gaza;
For sentinel Cherubim have loosed their flaming swords in sorrow,
And laudific Seraphim, once ceaseless in praise,
Cover their faces in grief, and their hallelujahs are hushed.
Yet know that every tear is counted,
Every name is written in light,
And what was destroyed on earth
Stands whole in the halls of eternity.”

The Chorus of Gaza cries together:
“Who shall remember us if not the stones?
Who shall keep our names if not the dust?
If the nations turn away their eyes,
Then let the heavens bear witness, and let Memory sing forever.
For we are Gaza, and Gaza endures,
We are the voice that will not be silenced,
We are the story that must be told,
We are the love that conquers death.”


Catalogue of the Slain

Sing, O Memory, of the dead, the multitude unnumbered,
For Gaza has given sixty thousand souls and more to the grave.
Not warriors alone, but children in their play,
Mothers in their shelter, fathers in their vigil,
The aged bent with years, the newborn scarcely named.

Count fifty-eight thousand more wounded,
Their bodies torn, their spirits scarred in silence.
Two thousand struck while seeking bread,
Gathering in hope of relief, yet felled by fire.
Three hundred perished of hunger, seven and ten children,
Their lips dry, their bellies hollow, their cries unheard by the nations.

Even when truces were spoken, the killing continued,
Ten thousand more consumed like chaff in flame.
Who can reckon those incinerated, buried under stone and steel,
Whose names are known only to God,
Whose faces are forgotten by man
But remembered by eternity?

A leaked report from the destroyer’s own hand
Confessed the truth they would hide:
Four of every five were innocents,
The harmless marked as enemies,
The helpless slain as foes.
Thus did wrath devour the lambs of Gaza,
And the angels wept, inscribing their names in light.


The Judgment of Yahweh

Then did the heavens part, as once above Sinai,
And Yahweh Himself descended, wrapped in cloud and flame,
The Ancient of Days, whose voice shook the foundations,
Before whom cherubim veil their faces, and seraphim fall silent.

He brought forth the scales of ultimate justice,
Vast as the firmament, terrible as truth,
And weighed the works of men most mean:
Their bombs and decrees, their gold and iron,
Their speeches of defense while dealing death.

“I have seen this before,” spoke the Voice that split the Red Sea,
“The marking of a people for destruction,
The sealing of their fate in chambers of decision,
The systematic starving, the calculated killing.
Did I not hear the cry from burning ghettos?
Did I not see the smoke from crematoria?”

In the other pan He placed Gaza’s slain,
The bones of children, the tears of mothers,
And with them, the ghosts of all genocide’s victims—
Warsaw and Treblinka, Armenia and Rwanda.

The scales tilted under genocide’s weight,
And the voice of the Almighty thundered:

“Genocide! I name it what it is.
You who survived the furnaces of Europe,
How could you kindle furnaces for others?

I am the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
But I am also the God of Hagar and Ishmael.
I freed slaves from Egypt,
But I will not bless those who enslave others.

These deeds are genocide, and I have weighed them.
These rulers stand condemned, their glory is ash.
Justice will come, though justice tarry long,
And every tear will be counted,
Every life will be avenged.
Genocide!”


The Promise of Memory

Yet this is not the end, O sons of earth,
For Memory does not merely mourn but promises.

As from the ashes of the phoenix rises flame,
As from winter’s death comes spring’s green resurrection,
So from Gaza’s anguish shall come forth
A testimony that shall not be silenced.

The children who were slain shall live in song,
The mothers who were silenced shall speak through poetry,
The fathers who were broken shall stand tall in story,
And Gaza herself, though wounded, shall endure
Until justice rolls down like waters,
And righteousness like a mighty stream.

For this is the promise Memory makes:
That suffering witnessed becomes sacred,
That innocence destroyed becomes indestructible,
That love murdered becomes immortal,
And truth, though buried, always rises.


Epilogue

So sing, O Memory, lest silence fall and truth be buried.
Let cherubim guard the names, let seraphim whisper them in praise.
Let the children of Gaza, though slain, rise again in song,
And let the nations know that what was destroyed endures in remembrance.

For stone may be shattered, but the word cannot be silenced,
And ashes speak, though the fire consume them.
The olive trees shall grow again from their ancient roots,
The mosques shall be rebuilt, more beautiful than before,
The children shall play once more in streets made clean,
And Gaza shall rise, as morning rises from the night.

This is the epic of Gaza, written in tears and blood,
In ashes and in starlight, in sorrow and in hope.
Let it be read when tyrants sleep secure,
Let it be sung when justice seems to slumber,
Let it be remembered when the world forgets—

Sing, O Memory, of Gaza.

Weep, Angelic Host—sentinel Cherubim, laudific Seraphim—weep.

The Reckoning

“Here I am, an old man in a dry month, / Being read to by a boy, waiting for rain.”
—T.S. Eliot, Gerontion

“Enigmas never age, have you noticed that”
—Donald Trump, in a 50th birthday greeting to Jeffrey Epstein, as reported by the Wall Street Journal, July 17, 2025


John Martin's The Great Day of His Wrath
The Great Day of His Wrath by John Martin, 1853, oil painting on canvas.

Not with a whimper but with judgment—
the hollow men are laid bare.
Between the shadow and the substance falls
the weight of what they’ve done.

April reaps the harvest of unburied sins,
memory and justice tally their dues
in the counting house of broken promises.
The rats abandon ship; the reckoning arrives
through cracks in gilded towers.

We are not hollow, not stuffed with lies—
we are the thunder that shakes foundations,
the rain that scours the ledger clean,
the voice that names the unnamed.

In this valley of false prophets
their empires crumble while truth endures,
and when the smoke clears, we remain—
the witnesses in the empty boardroom,
the light that penetrates the shadow.

The desert remembers. The wasteland testifies.
And those who thought themselves untouchable
now face the music of their making:
Here. Here is the bill.

Between the crime and the punishment
falls not silence, but the sound
of debts returning to their debtors—
inevitable, unrelenting, just.

In the room the power brokers scheme and plot,
but tonight the doors are locked
and the receipts read aloud.

This is the way the world ends—
not with their bang, but with our thunder—
the final indictment.

The bell of reckoning tolls—for thee.

Against Magical Thinking: Contemplation, Conspiracy, and the Abuse of Sacred Language


Early manuscript
Photo by silvia lusetti on Pexels.com

Recently, I read with great interest Hari Kunzru’s article “Doing Their Own Research” in the New York Review of Books (May 29, 2025). It is a piercing, sometimes surreal examination of the strange coalition now shaping American political and spiritual culture: a “New Weird Fusionism” of right-wing conspiracy, countercultural wellness, and mystical absolutism. The portrait he offers—of a society increasingly shaped by magical thinking, selective paranoia, and a weaponized imagination—was as disturbing as it was insightful.

But what struck me most was the realization that the cultural atmosphere Kunzru describes makes it increasingly likely that contemplative works like my recent Liber Agglutivi will be not merely misread—but conscripted into the very worldview they seek to resist.

In that work, framed as a fictional medieval treatise on sacred language, I explore how language, when approached with reverence and silence, becomes not a tool of communication but a site of presence—how it may not only speak about reality, but participate in it. Yet as I read Kunzru’s analysis of conspirituality—the synthesis of conspiracy and New Age belief—I saw an eerie proximity between certain rhetorical structures in Liber Agglutivi and the thought patterns of this cultural formation: secrecy, marginalia, hidden knowledge, the recovery of “true” language lost to corruption.

The danger is real: in an age where every form of mystery gets weaponized, how do we distinguish between authentic contemplative practice and its paranoid simulacra?

It is precisely here that the contrast must be made explicit.

The Liber is not a manual for decoding reality through esoteric symbols or a codebook for revealing global plots. It is not a mystical justification for control, nor an invitation to gnostic certainty. Its words are not “keys” to hidden truths in the paranoid sense Kunzru describes. Rather, it is a contemplative experiment—a poetic, philosophical invitation to see language as something we enter with humility, not something we wield with certainty.

What conspirituality offers is often a form of linguistic inflation: a conviction that to name something is to master it, that to imagine is to manifest, that hidden truths are personal weapons in a war against “them.” This is not reverence for mystery but inflation through proximity to it. The practitioner of conspirituality approaches mystery as a puzzle to be solved, a code to be cracked that will grant power over reality itself.

By contrast, the Liber offers a theology of kenosis—a self-emptying approach to speech in which the word is not a sword, but a veil; not a control mechanism, but a site of transfigured listening. Where conspirituality seeks to decode, contemplation seeks to be changed by what it encounters.

Consider the difference in practice. A conspirituality adherent might read the Liber’s phrase about “memory that knows not what it remembers” as a hint toward recovering suppressed historical truths or accessing forbidden knowledge that “they” do not want you to have.

A contemplative reader approaches the same phrase as an invitation to sit with unknowing itself—to let the mystery remain mysterious while allowing it to transform one’s relationship to knowledge. The first approach inflates the ego; the second empties it.

Kunzru’s analysis is especially compelling in its treatment of magical thinking across the domains of politics, religion, and economics. It is alarming to witness the persistence of the nineteenth-century “mind-cure” tradition—the belief that reality is downstream of personal attitude—now manifesting as national governance logic.

That Donald Trump, among others, internalized Norman Vincent Peale’s message of mental affirmation to the point that factuality became irrelevant is not merely a character trait—it is a symptom of an epistemological crisis. Similarly, the self-help gospel of The Secret, evangelical prosperity teachings, and the memetic evangelism of internet conspiracists all illustrate a culture in which to believe is to make it so.

The boundary between wish and world is not merely blurred—it is denied.

The Liber Agglutivi, by contrast, insists that language’s creative power arises not from assertive will but from contemplative reception. The phrase “word that becomes the thing” does not mean that the self wills reality into being. It means that, in sacred silence, the word discloses what is already most true.

This is a fundamentally different ontology. It is not manifestation; it is reverent participation.

Kunzru rightly notes how easily mystical language can be conscripted by paranoid styles. The idea that “everything is connected,” which in contemplative practice leads to compassion and humility, in conspiracy often leads to reductionism and scapegoating.

The Liber speaks of memory that “knows not what it remembers”—a phrase meant to evoke mystery and presence, not cognitive shortcuts to hidden truths.

So while Kunzru’s essay is not a critique of my work, it felt like a necessary caution about the times in which such a work might be read. In an age of epistemic confusion and symbolic inflation, sacred language must be handled with even greater care.

We must distinguish between language as control and language as communion; between the voice that silences others and the voice that emerges from deep silence. We must recognize that in our current moment, the very practices that might lead us toward wisdom—attention to mystery, reverence for hidden dimensions of experience, suspicion of surface explanations—can be corrupted into tools of manipulation and division.

The Liber Agglutivi may look like a book of secrets, but it is really a book about unknowing—about hearing the spaces where speech begins. And in a world where every utterance is increasingly co-opted for political or psychological leverage, the commitment to silence, reverence, and the mystery of meaning may itself be the most radical stance available to us.

Words that reign do so only when they have ceased to serve the self.
In our age of weaponized mysticism, that may be the difference between wisdom and delusion, between contemplation and conspiracy.